In this second post about the role of propaganda in the recent election, we look at the millions of Trump supporters who believe his claims that the election was rigged. In trying to understand how a large swath of American voters could believe such a specious claim, we make the mistake of assuming there is a logical explanation for what is an emotional response. People who think the world they know is endangered – the world in which they hold power and privilege and their beliefs are normative – will believe anyone who tells them what they want to hear, whether or not it has any basis in fact.
To understand Trump loyalists, I often turn to my home state of WV, which was reliably Democratic for decades, but which Trump won by 40 points in 2016 and 2020. The demographics of the state reflect the Trump “base.” The population is 94% white, 78% Christian, and the third oldest in the US, representing the core of the white Christian America that is in decline (see previous post), and whose dominance Trump promised to restore.
West Virginians’ support for Trump is related to economic transitions as well as social change. This working class state, whose average income is $20,000 below the national average, is heavily invested in fossil fuels. As that industry declined, the coal industry began a propaganda campaign touting “clean coal” and blaming job losses on Pres. Obama’s climate change regulations. It is not surprising that people whose culture and livelihood depend on coal believed Donald Trump, when he echoed the coal industry’s promise to bring back those jobs.
Even though Trump failed to deliver on that promise, West Virginians stuck with him four years later. His continued promises of a return to past glory were more persuasive than any vision of a sustainable future. Rationally, we might expect these voters to support the Democrats’ Green New Deal, as the state could benefit from the transition to a green economy, just as they did from FDR’s New Deal in the 1930s. But when the only way you can imagine providing for your family is through coal mining, you vote for the guy who promises against all odds to bring it back.
West Virginians’ support for Trump was both ideological and economic, but there are many different reasons why people believe his lies. New York Times columnist Ross Douthat explored some of these, but I find the insights of clinical psychologist Alan Blotcky more helpful. He groups supporters into four categories, beginning with the anti-establishment/anti-government folks who thrive on chaos and are drawn to Trump’s rebellious nature and promises to “drain the swamp.”
The next category includes various forms of “shared irrationality.” These motivations include overestimating one’s knowledge by assuming that partial or misinformation is correct; magical thinking, which imbues wishes with a causal effect (“the virus will disappear,” “the coal jobs will return”); obsession with celebrity that viewed Trump’s presidency as a reality TV show; and shared omnipotence, or belief that the right leader can bring one happiness.
The third group is motivated by fear, so Trump’s constant fear-mongering draws people who may already have an exaggerated fear response. This also explains the appeal of conspiracy theories. Some people find it easier to believe that the US is controlled by a ring of elite Democratic and Hollywood pedophiles than to accept that America as they know it is undergoing significant social change. Such theories justify their fear, which may seem irrational to others.
Finally Blotcky looks at people who crave security and order, and who feel safe with an authoritarian leader like Donald Trump, who articulates a social hierarchy with white Americans on top and various nonwhite “losers” on the bottom.
While this provides insight into Trump’s appeal, his opponents were astounded that nearly three-fourths of Republicans believed his claims of a stolen election. Their deception was the result of ongoing propaganda that positioned Donald Trump as the only person who could save America and discredited anyone who opposed or contradicted him.
As he did in 2016, Donald Trump began laying the groundwork for a claim of election fraud months in advance. He declared victory on election night, before all results where in, then never wavered in that assertion. As explained in my last post, social media and far right commentators amplified Trump’s boasts, no matter how outlandish, so his followers lived in an echo chamber that only confirmed their biases.
Trump appealed to what voters saw with the own eyes – their rallies were larger, he was ahead on election night. This falls into Blotcky’s category of partial or misinformation because it ignores the reality that Biden campaigned virtually instead of in person, and more Democrats cast votes by mail, which were slower to be counted.
Those who hoped that Republican leaders would stand up for the truth were disappointed. Trump had spent four years humiliating any Republicans who did not offer unconditional support. Faced with his claims of election fraud, they either remained silent, called for greater transparency, or joined the president in filing lawsuits (many claiming in the process that their own re-election was fraudulent), further encouraging loyalists to believe it was true.
Stories of former radicals can also enlighten us on why people fall for such extremism. Yes! Magazine profiles Shannon Foley Martinez, a former neo-Nazi who now works to de-radicalize other white supremacists. Her own story mirrors many of those she works with: outsiders with some type of unhealed trauma. She said that white radicals gave her a sense of belonging, but also stoked her rage. Her white supremacist beliefs fell away when someone showed her kindness and compassion.
Martinez says, “After five years of that way of life, I began to see how it really kept me looking at the world through victimhood, and that blaming/targeting Jews, blacks, and other races/ethnicities didn’t make me actually feel any safer or more empowered. It just kept my world really small and kept me focused on hurt and pain.” She eventually left that unidimensional worldview for one rife with complexity.
The complexity of today’s social world leaves many people longing for the clarity of a dominant worldview that it was assumed everyone shared (see previous post). The cultural, racial, and religious diversity of the postmodern era creates fear and anxiety for those who identify strongly with the past, which industrial and economic changes only magnify. Donald Trump, coal operators, and others in declining industries encourage that fear, while doing little to alleviate it.
Trump’s propaganda is steeped in victimhood, accusing the far left of stealing all that is unique about America, as well as the presidential election. Many people who fall for it would benefit more from social and economic programs proposed by the left, but they vote with their hearts instead of their heads. They believe what they want to be true, instead of what is, and as long as Trump and his ilk keep serving up lies, there will be disgruntled Americans who are all too eager to swallow them whole.
